When Governor Bob McDonnell neglected to mention slavery in a proclamation last week establishing April as "Confederate History Month" in the Commonwealth of Virginia, it hardly came as a surprise to those familiar with his style of politics. Nevertheless, his latest insult is worthy of discussion since it is indicative of a growing tendency in American society to minimize the importance of racism, a phenomenon first identified by Eduardo Bonilla-Silva in his book "Racism Without Racists." Although it is no longer as obvious as during the time of slavery or Jim Crow, racial bias still exerts an influence on the nation's political, economic and social institutions and ensures the survival of racial inequality nearly 150 years after the war that was fought to end it.
In order to understand why such racism persists, it is necessary to recognize the skewed nature of the contemporary racial landscape. In Virginia, for example, nearly 20 percent of residents are classified as black, yet the wealthy counties in northern Virginia that have become the state's power centers are much whiter. Notably, Loudon County, Fairfax County and Arlington County - three of the 10 wealthiest counties in America according to Forbes magazine - all have populations that are no greater than 10 percent black. In contrast, Lynchburg City is 28 percent black, Norfolk City is 45 percent black and Richmond City is 52 percent black. As a consequence of the state's division into wealthy white counties in northern Virginia and black urban areas scattered around the rest of the state, a professional class of white Virginians has arisen that has had almost no contact with blacks living outside of its suburban enclaves. Hence, the state's power brokers - its business leaders, politicians and social elites - consistently engage in practices that favor their own ethnic group at the expense of blacks.
This preferential treatment manifests itself in several ways, from a greater appreciation for white culture to a stronger focus of economic and political attention on predominantly white areas. The championing of the Confederate cause by white political leaders from George Allen to Jim Gilmore to McDonnell is one small example of white cultural favoritism by individuals who have rarely been in touch with black culture. More concrete, however, is the tendency of those same leaders to use their political clout to improve the circumstances of heavily white constituencies. For example, whenever Virginia faces an economic downturn that puts constraints on the state budget, politicians look for ways to balance the budget without raising taxes on their wealthy white compatriots. Thus, cuts to programs such as Head Start and Medicaid that provide enormous benefits to poor Virginians - many of whom are black - are typically favored over income or real estate tax increases that would be directed toward wealthier individuals.
Whites also gain advantage through the enhanced residential and educational settings that they provide for themselves. Individuals living in suburban communities are significantly less impacted by crime than those living in cities, and they are also spared many of the public health risks that are associated with urban life. Furthermore, school boards in suburban Northern Virginia are blessed with a wealthy tax base that allows them to hire experienced teachers, offer extracurricular activities and fund capital improvements to their educational facilities. It is therefore not surprising that 24 of the top 200 public high schools in America, according to Newsweek magazine, can be found in northern Virginia. In comparison, not a single public high school from Richmond, Lynchburg or Norfolk cracks even the top 500 of Newsweek's list.
Virginia's racial bias in the political, residential and educational spheres has a profound impact on the outcomes of its black and white residents. Whereas the median annual household incomes of predominantly white Fairfax, Loudon and Arlington are all well above $90,000. Those of Richmond, Lynchburg and Norfolk are less than half of that. The percentage of individuals living below the poverty line is under 7 percent in each of those northern Virginia counties, but is nearly 20 percent in Norfolk and Lynchburg and is 25 percent in Richmond. Perhaps most damning for a state that prides itself on job creation, the unemployment rates of both Norfolk and Lynchburg in July 2009 were nearly nine percent and Richmond's rate was over 10 percent. At the same time, Fairfax, Loudon and Arlington all enjoyed unemployment rates below five percent.
McDonnell and many others would prefer to ascribe these disparate outcomes to factors other than race. Unfortunately, the reality is that if a person is black in twenty-first century Virginia - or anywhere else in America - he will be significantly less likely to be favored with a safe neighborhood, a good school, adequate employment opportunity or strong political representation. Yet, as anyone who has lived in a prosperous white community knows, there is no lack of resources to address this inequality. Rather, what is needed is a collective awakening to the fact that racism did not end with the Civil War but remains an open wound marring the face of America.
Matt Cameron is a Viewpoint writer for The Cavalier Daily.
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